Denmark and EU Justice and Home Affairs Law: Really Opting Back In?

Steve Peers

Yesterday, the Danish Prime Minister made an announcement that Denmark would hold another referendum on EU matters in 2015. This was widely reported as a vote on whether Denmark would opt back in to EU Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) law. In fact, the government’s intention is to hold a vote on whether to replace a complete opt out with a selective opt-out. This blog post explains the detail of the issue, including a complete list of the measures which Denmark might opt back into if the Danish public approves the referendum proposal.

The Danish opt-out effectively dates back to the Danish referendum on the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. Following the initial Danish ‘no’ vote to that treaty, the EU’s Heads of State of Government adopted a Decision, which states that Denmark fully participates in EU JHA law. This was accompanied by a declaration stating that any transfer of powers to the European Community (as it then was) would be subject to a referendum in Denmark. This is generally regarded as the basis for Denmark’s opt-out on JHA matters.

This Decision is also often described as an opt-out on EU citizenship, although it is no such thing: it simply clarifies the relationship between Danish and EU citizenship. In fact, despite a widespread belief to the contrary, Denmark has no opt-out on EU citizenship at all.

The JHA opt-out was formalised as a Protocol to the Treaties at the time of the Treaty of Amsterdam (in force 1999), and was then revised at the time of the Treaty of Lisbon (in force 2009). It currently appears as Protocol 22 to the Treaties.

In a nutshell, the legal position is as follows.

First of all, Denmark is bound by the ‘Schengen’ rules abolishing border controls between most Member States, and measures building upon them, such as the Schengen Borders Code, the EU’s visa code, the Schengen Information System and the EU’s border control agency, Frontex. However, it is bound by these measures only as a matter of international law, not EU law. It could choose to opt out of new measures in this area, but there would be some unspecified retaliation if it did. It hasn’t done so in practice.

Secondly, Denmark is not bound by any other EU measures on immigration and asylum law, or civil cooperation, except for the measures on a standardised list of countries whose nationals do and don’t need visas to enter the EU. However,  for a few of these measures,  Denmark is bound instead by means of a treaty with the EU: the Dublin rules on asylum applications; the Brussels Regulation on civil and commercial jurisdiction; and the Regulation on service of documents. It’s also bound by the initial Rome Convention on conflicts of law in contract, but not by the Regulation replacing it.

Thirdly, Denmark is bound by EU measures on policing and criminal law adopted before the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. This includes (as matters stand) the EU measures establishing Europol (the EU police agency), Eurojust (the EU prosecutors’ agency) and the European Arrest Warrant.

Fourthly, Denmark is conversely not bound by EU measures on policing and criminal law adopted after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. This includes particularly EU legislation on suspects’ rights, victims’ rights, and the European Investigation Order. In the near future, it will also not be bound by legislation re-establishing Europol, which will soon be the subject of final negotiations between the European Parliament and the Council (on the details of that negotiation, see the previous blog post). According to the Prime Minister, this is a particular reason for considering whether to exercise the opt-out.

The assumption behind her argument is that the pre-Lisbon measure establishing Europol will not be applicable to Denmark any longer once a new measure is adopted. In fact, Article 2 of Protocol 22 says as follows:

…acts of the Union in the field of police cooperation and judicial cooperation in criminal matters adopted before the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon which are amended shall continue to be binding upon and applicable to Denmark unchanged.

However, in the specific case of EU agencies, it is hard to see in practice how Denmark could continue to be part of Europol as it was set up subject to a pre-Lisbon measure, while all of the other Member States (presuming that the UK and Ireland opt-in) are part of Europol as it was set up afresh by a post-Lisbon Regulation.

In fact, the same issue is likely to arise as regards Eurojust (the EU prosecutors’ agency) in the next year or so, since there is also a proposal to replace the pre-Lisbon Decision setting up that body with a post-Lisbon Regulation.

What are the consequences of the opt-in? Denmark has the power to denounce ‘all or part’ of the Protocol, which also includes an opt-out relating to EU defence policy, without a need for a Treaty amendment. (Note that Denmark’s opt-out from the obligation to adopt the EU’s single currency is set out in a separate Protocol).

However, Denmark also has another option available to it: to replace the current complete opt-out for post-Lisbon JHA measures not linked to the Schengen acquis with a selective opt-out, ie the power to opt in to JHA measures on a case-by-case basis. According to press reports, this is what the Prime Minister proposes. In light of this, it simply isn’t accurate to say that Denmark would be voting to ‘give up its JHA opt-out’.

If the public vote in favour, Denmark would have the same power that the UK and Ireland have to opt in to JHA measures on a case-by-case basis, either within three months after those measures are proposed or at any time after they are finally adopted. However, unlike the UK and Ireland, Denmark will continue to be fully bound by EU measures on visa lists (ie with no-opt-out possibility), and will also continue to participate in the Schengen rules (although those rules would then have the force of EU law, not international law, in Denmark).

It would be up to the Danish government and parliament to determine what arrangements apply to opting in, as a matter of national law. If national law permits, it is open to Denmark to provide, if it wishes, that its national parliament must approve every opt-in decision, possibly by a higher majority in some or all cases. The Danish government could also announce in advance which measures it would (and would not) seek to opt in to.

To clarify the potential impact of the decision, the Annex to this post contains a complete list of all current measures or proposals which Denmark could opt to participate in if the public chose to vote for a selective JHA opt-out in place of the current complete opt-out. Again, though, Denmark could choose to participate in only a small number of these measures if it wished.

While it is sometimes claimed that EU opt-outs are not really genuine, because Member States will face undue pressure to opt-in to EU measures regardless, the evidence of the last 15 years clearly refutes this assertion. In practice, Denmark and the UK have not been forced to adopt the single currency, and the UK and Ireland have opted out of a growing number of JHA measures.

Barnard & Peers: chapter 2, chapter 25, chapter 26

Annex

JHA measures which Denmark couldopt in to after adopting a selective opt-out

1) Adopted measures

Asylum

1. Directive 2001/55 on temporary protection (OJ 2001 L 212/12)

2. Regulation 439/2010 establishing a European Asylum Support Office (OJ 2010 L 132/11)

3. Recast Directive 2011/95 on qualification and content of international protection (OJ 2011 L 337/9)

4. Directive 2013/33 on reception conditions for asylum-seekers (OJ 2013 L 180/96)

5. Regulation 604/2013 on responsibility for asylum applications (OJ 2013 L 180/31) – nb applies to Denmark by means of treaty already

6. Directive 2013/32 on international protection procedures (OJ 2013 L 180/60)

7. Regulation 603/2013 on Eurodac (OJ 2013 L 180/1) – nb applies to Denmark by means of treaty already

8. Regulation establishing the asylum and migration Fund (OJ 2014 L 150/168)

9. Regulation laying down general provisions on the Asylum and Migration Fund and on the instrument for financial support for police cooperation, preventing and combating crime, and crisis management ((OJ 2014 L 150/112)

Irregular migration

1.Directive 2004/82 on transmitting passenger information by carriers (OJ 2004 L 261/24)

2.Decision on joint expulsion flights (OJ 2004 L 261/28)

3. Directive 2004/81 on residence permits for victims of trafficking or facilitation of irregular migration (OJ 2004 L 261/19)

4.Decision on an information and coordination network for Member States’ migration management services (OJ 2005 L 83/48)

5. Directive 2008/115 on common rules for expulsion – Returns Directive (OJ 2008 L 348/98) – nb applies to Denmark in part already

6. Directive 2009/52 on sanctions for employers of irregular migrants (OJ 2009 L 168/24)

Legal Migration

1. Directive 2003/86 on family reunion (OJ 2003 L 251/12)

2. Directive 2003/109 on the status of long-term resident third-country nationals (OJ 2004 L 16/44)

3. Directive 2004/114 on entry and residence of students, volunteers and others (OJ 2004 L 375/12)

4. Directive 2005/71 on admission of researchers (OJ 2005 L 289/15)

5. Decision on exchange of asylum and immigration information (OJ 2006 L 283/40)

6. Decision establishing Migration Network (OJ 2008 L 131/7)

7. Directive 2009/50 on the conditions of entry and residence of third-country nationals for the purposes of highly qualified employment (‘Blue Card Directive’) (OJ 2009 L 155/17)

8. Regulation 1231/2010 extending Regulation 883/2004 on social security for EU citizens to third-country nationals who move within the EU (OJ 2010 L 344/1)

9. Directive 2011/51 applying long-term residents’ Directive to refugees and beneficiaries of subsidiary protection (OJ 2011 L 132/1)

10. Directive 2011/98 (single permit Directive) (OJ 2011 L 343/1)

11. Directive 2014/36 on admission of seasonal workers (OJ 2014 L 94/375)

12. Directive 2014/66 on admission of intra-corporate transferees (OJ 2014 L 157/1)

Civil Cooperation

1. Regulation 1346/2000 on jurisdiction over and enforcement of insolvency proceedings (OJ 2000 L 160/1)

2. Regulation 1347/2000 on jurisdiction over and enforcement of matrimonial and custody judgments (OJ 2000 L 160/19)

3. Regulation 1206/2001 on cross-border taking of evidence in civil and commercial matters (OJ 2001 L 174/1)

4. Decision 2001/470 on European Judicial Network on civil and commercial matters (OJ 2001 L 174/25)

5.  Directive 2003/8 on legal aid (OJ 2003 L 26/41)

6. Regulation 2201/2003 on parental responsibility (OJ 2003 L 338/1)

7. Regulation 805/2004 on European enforcement order (OJ 2004 L 143/15)

8. Regulation 1896/2006 creating a European order for payment procedure (OJ 2006 L 399/1)

9. Regulation 861/2007 establishing a European small claims procedure (OJ 2007 L 199/1)

10. Regulation 864/2007 on the law applicable to non-contractual obligations ('Rome II') (OJ 2007 L 199/40)

11. Directive 2008/52 on mediation (OJ 2008 L 136/3)

12. Regulation 593/2008 on 'Rome I' (choice of law for contractual obligations) (OJ 2008 L 177/6)

13. Decision amending Decision on judicial network (OJ 2009 L 168/35)

14. Regulation 662/2009 on Member States’ negotiation and conclusion of external treaties relating to maintenance, divorce and parental responsibility (OJ 2009 L 200/25)

15. Regulation 664/2009 on Member States’ negotiation and conclusion of external treaties relating to conflict of laws as regards contractual and non-contractual obligations (OJ 2009 L 200/46)

16. ‘Rome III’ Regulation 1259/2010 on choice of law in divorce proceedings (OJ 2010 L 343/10)

17. Regulation 650/2012 on choice of law and jurisdiction in succession proceedings (OJ 2012 L 201/107)

18. Regulation 1215/2012 on civil and commercial jurisdiction (OJ 2012 L 351/1) - – nb applies to Denmark by means of treaty already

19. Regulation 606/2013 on civil law enforcement of protection orders (OJ 2013 L 181/4)

20. Regulation 542/1014 amending civil jurisdiction Regulation (OJ 2014 L 163/1) – nb applies to Denmark by means of treaty already

21. Regulation on European account preservation orders

Criminal law and policing

Directives

1. Directive 2010/64 on the right to interpretation and translation in the framework of criminal proceedings (OJ 2010 L 280/1)

2. Directive 2011/36 on trafficking in persons (OJ 2011 L 101/1)

3. Directive 2011/82 on exchange of information on traffic offences (OJ 2011 L 288/1)

4. Directive 2011/92 on sexual exploitation of children (OJ 2011 L 335/1)

5. Directive 2011/99 on European protection order (OJ 2011 L 338/2)

6. Directive 2012/13 on the right to information on criminal proceedings (OJ 2012 L 142/1)

7. Directive 2012/29 on crime victims’ rights (OJ 2012 L 315/57)

8. Directive 2013/40 on attacks on information systems (OJ 2013 L 218/8)

9. Directive 2013/48 on access to lawyer and communication rights (OJ 2013 L 294/1)

10. Directive 2014/41 on European investigation order (OJ 2014 L 130/1)

11. Directive 2014/42 on freezing and confiscation of criminal proceeds (OJ 2014 L 127/39)

12. Directive 2014/57 on criminal sanctions against market abuse

13. Directive 2014/62 on counterfeiting currency (OJ 2014 L 151/1)

Regulations

1. Regulation establishing a Justice Programme (OJ 2013 L 354/73)

2. Regulation on the instrument for financial support for police cooperation, preventing and combating crime, and crisis management (OJ 2014 L 150/93)

3. Regulation 543/2014 amending Decision on European Police College (OJ 2014 L 163/5)

2) Proposals

Immigration and asylum

1. Directive on admission of students, researchers and others (COM (2013) 151, 25 March 2013)

2. Regulation amending the Dublin III Regulation regarding unaccompanied minors (COM (2014) 382, 26 June 2014)

Civil cooperation

1. Commission invitation to Council to apply ‘co-decision’ procedure to the issue of maintenance obligations (COM (2005) 648, 15 Dec. 2005)

2. Commission proposal for Regulation on choice of law and jurisdiction on matrimonial property (COM (2011) 126, 16 Mar. 2011)

3. Commission proposal for Regulation on choice of law and jurisdiction on registered partnerships (COM (2011) 127, 16 Mar. 2011)

4. Commission proposal for Regulation amending insolvency Regulation (COM (2012) 744, 12 Dec. 2012)

5. Proposal for Regulation amending prior legislation regarding implementing measures (COM (2013) 452, 27 June 2013)

6. Proposal for Regulation amending small claims and order for payment Regulations (COM (2013) 794, 19 Nov. 2013)

Criminal law

1. Proposal for Directive on the right to interpretation and translation in the framework of criminal proceedings (COM (2010) 82, 9 March 2010)

2. Proposal for Directive on passenger name records (COM (2011) 32, 2 Feb. 2011)

3. Proposal for Directive on protection of EU financial interests (COM (2012) 363, 11 July 2012)

4. Proposal to amend Framework Decision on drug trafficking (COM (2013) 618, 17 Sep. 2013)

5. Proposal on presumption of innocence (COM (2013) 821, 27 Nov. 2013)

6. Proposal on childrens’ rights as suspects (COM (2013) 822, 27 Nov. 2013)

7. Proposal on provisional legal aid (COM (2013) 824, 27 Nov. 2013)

8. Regulation on Europol (COM (2013) 173, 27 March 2013)

9. Regulation on European Public Prosecutor’s Office (COM (2013) 534, 17 July 2013)

10. Regulation on Eurojust (COM (2013) 535, 17 July 2013)

Note: this list does not include measures which have expired or been replaced (or which will be replaced as of July 2015). It also does not include international treaties with third States, since at least in some cases, Denmark has parallel arrangements in place with the countries concerned. The most important treaties in question concern readmission, visa facilitation, the Hague Convention on maintenance and treaties on mutual assistance, extradition and exchange of police information.

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Questions for the would-be home affairs and justice Commissioners

Steve Peers, Emilio de Capitani and Henri Labayle

The would-be Commissioners for immigration and home affairs and Justice will shortly be questioned by Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) in hearings, to determine whether the EP should vote to confirm them in office. MEPs have already asked some written questions and the would-be Commissioners have replied. Since most of the written questions were not very searching (except for a couple of questions on data protection issues), the Commissioners did not reply in much detail.

However, the hearings are an opportunity for MEPs to ascertain the Commissioners’ plans, and to secure important political commitments, in these fields. To that end, we have therefore suggested a number of oral questions which MEPs should ask in the hearings. 

Immigration and asylum

The Commission consider that migration policy should be framed by the (non binding) objectives of the global approach to migration (GAMM) and relations with third countries should be dealt with by “Mobility Partnership” which are more diplomatic declarations than binding acts. Would you propose a binding legal basis for treaties with the countries concerned, grounded on Articles 77, 78 and 79 of the TFEU?

What actions will the Commission take to ensure that EU legislation in this field is fully and correctly implemented by the Member States?

Will the Commission propose an immediate amendment to the EU visa code, to confirm that Member States are obliged to give humanitarian visas to those who need them and who apply at Member States' consulates in third countries?

When will the Commission propose EU legislation to guarantee mutual recognition of Member States' decisions regarding international protection, including the transfer of protection?

When will the Commission make proposals for a framework for sharing responsibility for asylum-seekers and persons who have been granted international protection, starting with those who have applied outside the territory of the Member States?

Will the Commission propose an immigration code, and what will its main contents be?

The Court of Justice has recognised that search and rescue obligations are interlinked with external borders surveillance (Case C-355/10). The EU adopted rules in this field which governing only border control coordinated by Frontex. Do you intend to propose that such rules should apply to all Member States’ border controls as a general rule, by formally amending the Schengen Borders Code ?

What immediate and longer-term steps will the Commission take to address the death toll of migrants crossing the Mediterranean?

Will the Commission propose to amend the EU legislation on facilitation of unauthorised entry to confirm that anyone who saves migrants from death or injury during a border crossing, or who otherwise acts from humanitarian motives, is exempt from prosecution?

Internal Security and Police cooperation

Measures against terrorism and transnational crime were until now mainly taken under the vague framework of “operational cooperation”. Will the Commission propose a clear legal basis for the Internal Security Strategy and transforming the so called “Policy Cycle” in a transparent and legally binding framework where European and national interventions are clearly framed? Will you propose relevant amendments to the Europol legislative proposal which make reference to the policy cycle without framing it? Which initiatives will you take  to implement the principle of subsidiarity and proportionality as foreseen by the Treaty, and to ensure that the Charter must be taken in account also for police cooperation so that the European and national parliaments as well as the Court of Justice could verify that these principles have been complied with ?

According to Protocol 36 (the transitional protocol attached to the Treaty of Lisbon), all measures dealing with police cooperation adopted before the entry into force of that Treaty will fall under the jurisdiction of the Commission and of the Court from 1 December 2014. Some of them are outdated and should be repealed or substantially modified to take in account the post-Lisbon legal and institutional framework (role of the Charter, co-responsibility of the EP, role of the national Parliaments). In several cases where EU measures limit dramatically fundamental rights sunset clauses should be inserted in the basic acts. However nothing about this is written in your statement nor in the previous Commission’s REFIT exercise. Could it be a priority or do you believe that Lisbon Treaty did not change the situation in your domain of competence?

Will your legislative programme also be grounded on the Treaty legal basis of judicial cooperation in criminal matters ? If so, how will you frame the relations with the Commissioner in charge of these aspects ?

Schengen cooperation has been until now the most successful case of cooperation between the Member States and has been recently upgraded by launching SIS II and EUROSUR. The notion of integrated border management in Article 77 TFEU is progressively taking shape but no substantial improvement happens in the role of the European and National parliament. Other similar initiatives like PRUM and Swedish initiatives have been developed following the principle of availability. Do you plan further initiatives here?

For instance, in light of the recent UK case where a convicted murderer moved from one Member State to another, do you intend to propose the exchange of criminal records concerning the most serious crimes by a Member State’s nationals (murder, rape, grievous bodily harm) if those nationals are no longer imprisoned?

Will the Commission propose a police code that recasts EU legislation in this field?

When does the Commission intend to submit a legislative proposal implementing Article 75 of the TFEU dealing with freezing assets of terrorists ?

Justice Commissioner

According to CJEU (Melloni, Radu judgments) the principle of primacy of EU law covers also sensitive domains such as judicial cooperation in criminal matters. It is then important that the EU legislation is set at the highest possible standards of protection of fundamental rights so that by implementing the EU legislation the current level of protection at national level will not be lowered. Do you agree that all future EU legislative proposals on criminal law should make also reference to the possible impact on national law and always permit the possibility of higher national standards as referred to by art. 53 of the Charter ?

Will the Commission commit to propose to amend the Framework Decision on the European Arrest Warrant and other pre-Lisbon measures on mutual recognition in criminal matters, to ensure that there is the same level of protection of fundamental rights as guaranteed in the recent Directive on the European Investigation Order?

When will the Commission propose a measure to ensure adequate protection for suspects as regards pre-trial detention in criminal proceedings in the Member States?

Will the Commission submit further legislative measures to improve the suspect's procedural guarantees?

Fundamental rights protection is meaningless without effective ways to obtain a judicial redress at national or EU level. Will you submit a legislative proposal upgrading the 2013 Commission Recommendation on collective redress mechanisms so that citizens and companies can enforce the rights granted to them under EU law where these have been infringed?

How will the Commission act to ensure that Member States fully and correctly apply EU legislation on the protection of victims' and suspects' rights in criminal proceedings?

OLAF, EUROJUST and EPPO will deal under different perspectives with the problem of protection of EU financial interests. Has the time come to simplify the institutional machinery, for instance by merging OLAF with EPPO ?

Several EU measures such as the Framework decision on terrorism restrict individual freedoms. In these cases should the EU legislation (as well as delegated and implementing acts) should not embody sunset clauses, as it the case for the US legislation (see the Patriot Act)?

Will the Commission commit to propose to the Council that any EU treaty on sharing personal data with third countries will be suspended if, in the view of the European Parliament following an independent review, in practice there is no adequate level of protection of the relevant personal data in that third country?

According to the current and envisaged legislation it will be a Commission’s role to assess the adequacy of data protection in third countries. Do you agree that such evaluation should be done as delegated act as it requires a high level of discretion on the Commission side ?

DIGITAL AGENDA (together with Commissioner Oettinger and VP Ansip)

You will work with Candidate Commissioner Oettinger on the digital agenda who made reference to an ambitious legislative programme soon to be adopted to implement the European Digital Agenda. The EU Treaties offer several legal bases to accomplish such an objective even if the EU is still lacking a comprehensive and consistent legislative strategy which could give specific expression to fundamental rights as defined by the Charter of fundamental rights.

For this reason the Court of Justice has recently annulled the Directive on data retention. However the same fate could occur to other EU legislative measures planned or in negotiation which do not meet the high standards required by the Charter and to avoid challenges from national Courts.

To avoid these risks will you be available to design and implement with your other colleagues in the future Commission (Oettinger Timmermans, and Ansip) a legislative strategy which could become an European "Marco Civil" as the one recently adopted by Brazil ?

The Court of Justice has defined in its data retention ruling very strict criteria to be followed when collecting personal data for security purposes. Even the Council legal service seems to consider that the current EU-US agreements on TFTP and PNR do not fit with these criteria. What do you intend to do at the next Transatlantic summit? Will you notify the US authorities that the agreements should be profoundly revised?

When will the Commission respond to the CJEU ruling on the invalidity of the data retention Directive? Will it propose a new EU Directive which is compliant with the judgment? Does the Commission believe that the Directive still allows for mass surveillance? Will the Commission pursue infringement action against Member States whose legislation is not in compliance with the criteria set out in the judgment?

Barnard & Peers: chapter 25, chapter 26

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Metamorphosis of the third pillar: The end of the transition period for EU criminal and policing law

by Emilio De Capitani

On 1st December 2014, after five years of “legal gestation”, the previous “third pillar” of EU law will finally transform itself from an intergovernmental larva into a supranational butterfly. But will this really ensure a coherent policy, correctly applied by Member States and in full compliance with human rights?

More precisely, in compliance with Article 10 of Protocol 36 to the Treaties, added by the Lisbon Treaty, all the EU measures dealing with police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters adopted before the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty will be treated like all the other EU legislative measures as far as the jurisdiction of the CJEU is concerned. Their transposition should be verified on the ground and, in case of problems, the Commission will be entitled to bring the Member States to the CJEU, which will also have the power to interpret these measures following references for a preliminary ruling from all national courts (only some national courts can send questions at present).

Moreover, with the end of the last transitional period for the Area of Freedom Security and Justice (AFSJ) it will be possible on the basis of real and transparent data to decide if dozens of measures (such as the European arrest warrant or the PRUM decision) which have been negotiated in a different political and legal context should be revised to comply with the new EU constitutional framework.

Quite surprisingly the aforementioned deadline – which will inevitably have a profound impact on the Member States’ policies and on the rights of the EU citizens – is approaching without any sort of public debate by the civil society, the national parliaments or the academia.

Even at EU level during the last Justice and Home affairs Council where the point was on the agenda no delegations took the floor nor the recent European Council referred to it in the Guidelines framing the future of the freedom security and justice area.

UK opt-in, opt-out and re-opt-in…

Why this silence? It is more than likely that such a “diplomatic” reserve and understatement are due to the fact that the UK is currently negotiating with the Council and the Commission which will be its final position on the former EU third pillar measures. (see here) It is was indeed to comply with the UK’s “red lines” that in October 2007 in the final phase of the Lisbon Treaty negotiations, a five year period freezing the Commission and CJEU enforcement powers was inserted in Protocol 36 (transitional measures).

At that time the UK government’s aim was (and probably still is) to protect its common law systems, and its police and judicial processes from the risk of the CJEU’s “judicial activism”. According to a House of Lords report, the UK Government asked it because the “vast majority” of pre-Lisbon police and judicial cooperation (PCJ) measures were not drafted with CJEU jurisdiction in mind and had often been agreed at the “lowest common denominator” in order to secure unanimity. As a result, much of the drafting was “not of a high standard and may be open to expansive interpretation by the ECJ” (see point 91 of House Of Lords Report “EU police and criminal justice measures: The UK’s 2014 opt-out decision” HL Paper 159).

Very skilfully the UK also obtained in the same Protocol the right to opt out from all the former third pillar measures before May 2014 as well as the possibility of a second thought, after December 1st 2014 of agreeing with the Council (for Schengen related measures) and with the Commission a new opt-in on some (or all) the former third pillar measures. However, according to Protocol 26 the UK re-opt-in could be granted only “without seriously affecting the practical operability” of the third pillar measures and by “respecting their coherence”.

Last year the UK Government submitted to the Council its Opt-Out decision and is now informally negotiating the possible re-opt-in for around 35/37 third pillar measures (see here)

It is too early to know which will be the result of the EU-UK negotiations. However if the Council and the Commission will accept the UK re-opt-in request (which for some measures can be delayed after the end of 2015) the situation will not be extremely different from the one existing before the block opt-out – except that the UK will now be subject to the Commission and CJEU enforcement powers.

The difficult quest of the former third pillar acquis ….

The UK’s (and Denmark’s) peculiar situation aside, the definition of the pre-Lisbon acquis for police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters will be extremely important also for the other EU member States and, quite probably for the European Parliament (EP) and for the national parliaments. The EP is, since the end of 2009, a co-legislator also for police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters but will not be associated with the implementation of Protocol 36. As for national parliaments, they will now share with the EP wide scrutiny powers (Articles 70, 71 85 and 88 TFEU) on these policies, and will at last have the opportunity to check what happened in the EU outside their national borders and even more inside their national territory. Maybe the December 1st deadline could then be an occasion at least for some of them to verify if these EU measures have been correctly transposed and, if they have to be amended (as it still possible for measures such as Europol and Eurojust which are currently renegotiated at EU level).

A revised list of the former third pillar measures has been recently established by the Commission in cooperation of MS representatives. The 123 measures currently covered by Protocol 36 are very diverse: some of them are of quasi legislative nature (such as the Framework Decisions) some others (such as the international agreements or Conventions, and the Council Decision) even if not legislative, are binding, and some others are of uncertain nature as it is the case for the “Joint Actions” adopted under the Maastricht Treaty regime.

As far as the content is concerned these measures deal with:

- mutual recognition of national decisions (such as the European Arrest Warrant (EAW) the European Supervision Order, the mutual recognition of freezing orders; fines; confiscation orders, probation orders; and of prison sentences…);
- harmonization of the definitions of certain criminal offenses and minimum penalties;
- criminal procedures;
- cross-border cooperation, in particular between police and law enforcement agencies, including the exchange of information and the investigation of crime;
- EU agencies (Europol, Eurojust and the European Police College (CEPOL));
- agreements with third countries on information sharing, mutual legal assistance and extradition

The Commission’s list is not final because between now and December 1st some of the measures could still be replaced by texts currently under negotiation. Moreover the Commission has also announced that some of them – which can be considered obsolete – will be repealed.

…the problem of their transposition and operability …

To assess the “operability” of these measures the European Commission has to verify if they have been correctly transposed by the Member States. The Commission is already collecting the relevant information even if it is not yet entitled to open infringement procedures in case of non compliance by the Member States.

It is worth recalling that in some cases (such as for the European Arrest Warrant) the Commission has already submitted several implementing reports. For other cases, the Commission has only recently adressed to the Member States some pre-alert communications which should be taken in account to avoid judicial proceedings after December 1st 2014.

The first pre-alert Commission report deals with the Framework Decisions 2008/909/JHA, 2008/947/JHA and 2009/829/JHA on the mutual recognition of judicial decisions on custodial sentences or measures involving deprivation of liberty, on probation decisions and alternative sanctions and on supervision measures as an alternative to provisional detention. These Framework Decisions (FD) have to be seen as a package of coherent and complementary legislation that addresses the issue of detention of EU citizens in other Member States and has the potential to lead to a reduction in pre-trial detention or to facilitate social rehabilitation of prisoners in a cross border context. 

The first FD (transfer of Prisoners) allows a Member State to execute a prison sentence issued by another Member State against a person who remains in the first Member State. On the other hand, it establishes a system for transferring convicted prisoners back to their Member State of nationality or habitual residence (or to another Member State with which they have close ties) to serve their prison sentence. Article 25 of the Transfer of Prisoners FD in conjunction with Article 4(6) and 5(3) of the European arrest warrant, allows a Member State to refuse to surrender its nationals or residents or persons staying in the latter if the other Member State undertakes to enforce the prison sentence in accordance with the same FD.

The second FD (Probation and Alternative Sanctions) applies to many alternatives to custody and to measures facilitating early release (e.g. an obligation not to enter certain localities, to carry out community service or instructions relating to residence or training or professional activities). The probation decision or other alternative sanction can be executed in another Member State, as long as the person concerned consents.

The third FD (European Supervision ) concerns provisional release in the pretrial stage. It will enable a non-custodial supervision (e.g. an obligation to remain at a specified place or an obligation to report at specified times to a specific authority) to be transferred from the Member State where the non resident is suspected of having committed an offense to the Member State where he normally resides. This will allow a suspected person to be subjected to a supervision measure in his home Member State until the trial takes place in another Member State, instead of being placed into pre-trial detention.

It is worth recalling that at the time of the Commission Communication, well after the relevant deadlines, respectively 10, 14 and 16 Member States have not yet transposed the Framework Decisions.

Another pre-alert Commission report deals with the implementation of the Framework Decision 2008/675/JHA of 24 July 2008 on taking into account of convictions in the Member States of the European Union in the course of new criminal proceedings. This Framework Decision aims to ensure that similar legal effects are given to domestic convictions and convictions from other Member States. Its article 3 is based on the principle of simple assimilation of convictions and imposes as a matter of principle that the legal effects of foreign convictions must be equivalent to the legal effect of domestic convictions. More than 3 years after the implementation date, 6 Member States have yet to notify the measures transposing the obligations of this Framework Decision: BE, ES, IT, LT, MT and PT.

A third pre-alert Commission report deals with the Framework Decision 2009/948/JHA of 30 November 2009 on prevention and settlement of conflicts of jurisdiction in criminal proceedings. This FD addresses the situations where potentially several Member States are competent to conduct criminal investigations in respect of the crime and proceedings against the alleged perpetrators. This poses challenges not only in terms of coordination and effectiveness of criminal prosecutions, but also with regard to respect for the fundamental principle of criminal law, also enshrined in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (“the Charter”), that a person may not be prosecuted and convicted twice for the same offense (Ne bis in idem). More than 1 year after the implementation date, 13 Member States yet to notify the measures transposing the obligations of this Framework Decision: BG, DK, EE, EL, ES, FR, IE, IT, LT, LU, MT, SE and the UK. Seven Member States informed the Commission of the process of preparing relevant transposition measures at national level (BG, EL, ES, FR, LT, MT and SE). However, none of these Member States adopted the measures or notified the Commission at least before April 2014.

In all these pre-alert Communications the Commission has abundantly made clear that the non-implementation of the Framework Decisions by some Member States is problematic since those Member States who have properly implemented the Framework Decisions cannot benefit from their co-operation provisions in their relations with those Member States who did not implement them in time. As a consequence, when cooperating with a Member State who did not implement in time, even those Member States who did so will have to rely on the random and often lengthy practice of traditional mutual legal assistance in criminal matters without a reliable guarantee of a timely detection of bis in idem cases, which should already take place at early stages of criminal proceedings. Such a practice increases significantly a risk of double jeopardy.

…and the problem of their “coherence” and compliance with the EU Charter.

But the priority for the EU legislator in the coming months should be to verify if the former third pillar measures which were negotiated without taking in account the now binding Fundamental rights Charter are consistent with the new EU institutional and legal framework.

Even if some scholars and politicians try to sell the idea that there is a substantial continuity between the pre Lisbon and Post Lisbon era this is certainly not the case for the AFSJ, where the entry into force of the Charter has marked a clear change of perspective. A proof of this has been recently offered by the recent CJEU jurisprudence in the asylum domain where the presumption of compliance with fundamental rights by another Member State has been considered rebuttable in circumstances where fundamental rights are under threat (CJEU Judgment in NS) or to recall the data retention judgment, where the EU data retention  Directive was annulled for violation of the principle of proportionality and of the Charter. If this is the position of the CJEU how many of the 123 measures in the Commission list will require a substantial revision to be considered “coherent” with the new post – Lisbon legal and constitutional framework?

Please don’t throw out real rights for fake security…

Pre-Lisbon measures should also be subject to the parliamentary scrutiny at European and national level as it is required since five years by Article 70 of the TFEU. They should also be effective as they can affect EU citizens’ security and fundamental rights. However it is difficult to ascertain if the interference with EU citizens’ rights has been proportionnate and effective. As the post-Snowden saga has now abundantly showed, “intelligence led policing” and “operational cooperation” cover practices which can be extremely intrusive without offering clear results to the European and/or to the national parliaments. Moreover what is even more worrying is that parliamentarians do not examine whether their country is playing any role in the so called EU “Internal security strategy” or in the “policy cycle” which are less transparent than the “joint actions” negotiated under the Maastricht regime… Are these “soft law” initiatives still justified forty years after the first TREVI cooperation was launched in these domains?  Or, after Lisbon, can the EU citizens expect from the EU and its Member States a legislative framework which can at the same time deliver effective security and protect fundamental rights?

This was announced by the new treaties and by the Charter five years ago and what EU citizens are deemed to obtain; it is then the duty of the incoming Commission and of the newly elected European Parliament to do what the European Council didn’t dare to propose.

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