Bringing the Panopticon Home: the UK joins the Schengen Information System

 

Steve Peers

Over two hundred years ago, British philosopher Jeremy Bentham devised the concept of the ‘Panopticon’: a prison designed so that a jailer could in principle watch any prisoner at any time. His theory was that the mere possibility of constant surveillance would induce good behaviour in prison inmates. In recent years, his idea for a panopticon has become a form of shorthand for describing developments of mass surveillance and social control.

The EU’s forays in this area began with the creation of the Schengen Information System (SIS) in the 1990s. The SIS is a well-known EU-wide database containing enormous amounts of information used by policing, immigration and criminal law authorities.  

Until now, the UK has not had any access to the SIS. But this week, the EU Council finally approved the UK’s participation in the System, thereby linking the EU’s most iconic database with the intellectual home of the panopticon theory. What are the specific consequences and broader context of this decision?

Background

The main purpose of the Schengen system is to abolish internal border checks between EU Member States, as well as some associated non-EU States.  At the moment, the full Schengen rules apply to all EU Member States except the UK, Ireland, Cyprus, Romania, Bulgaria and Croatia. Those rules also apply to four associates: Norway, Iceland, Switzerland and Liechtenstein.

All of the Member States are obliged ultimately to become part of the Schengen system, except for the UK and Ireland. Those two Member States negotiated an exemption in the form of a special Protocol at the time when the Schengen rules (which originated in the Schengen Convention, ie a treaty drawn up outside the EU legal order) were integrated into the EU legal system, as part of the Treaty of Amsterdam (in force 1999).

The UK and Ireland are not entirely excluded from the Schengen system. In fact, they negotiated the option to apply to join only some of the Schengen rules if they wished. Their application has to be approved by the Council, acting unanimously. The UK and Ireland essentially chose to opt in to the Schengen rules concerning policing and criminal law, including the SIS, but not the rules concerning the abolition of internal border controls and the harmonisation of rules on external borders and short-term visas.

The UK’s application to this end was approved in 2000 (see Decision here), and Ireland’s was approved in 2002 (see Decision here). But in order to apply each Decision in practice, a separate subsequent Council decision was necessary, because the Schengen system cannot be extended before extensive checks to see whether the new participant is capable of applying the rules in practice.  On that basis, most of the Schengen rules which apply to the UK have applied from the start of 2005 (see Decision, after later amendments, here). The exception is the rules on the SIS, which the UK was not then ready to apply. After spending considerable sums trying to link to the SIS, the UK gave up trying to do so, on the basis that the EU was anyway planning to replace the SIS with a second-generation system (SIS II). There’s a lot of further background detail in the House of Lords report on the UK’s intention to join the SIS (see here), on which I was a special advisor. (Note that Ireland does not apply any of the Schengen rules in practice yet).

It took ages for the EU to get SIS II up and running, and it finally accomplished this task by April 2013 (see Decision here). The UK had planned to join SIS II shortly after it became operational, but this was complicated by the process of opting out of EU criminal law and policing measures adopted before the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, and simultaneously opting back in to some of them again, on December 1^st 2014 (see discussion of that process here). This included an opt back in to the SIS rules.

Once that particular piece of political theatre concluded its final act, the EU and the UK returned to the business of sorting out the UK’s opt in to SIS II in practice. This week’s decisioncompleted that process, giving the UK access to SIS II data starting from March 1^st. The UK can actually use that data, and enter its own data into the SIS, from April 13^th.

Consequences

What exactly does participation in the SIS entail? The details of the system are set out in the 2007 Decisionwhich regulates the use of SIS II for policing and criminal law purposes. There are also separate Regulations governing the use of SIS II for immigration purposes and giving access to SIS II data for authorities which register vehicles. The former Regulation provides for the storage of ‘alerts’ on non-EU citizens who should in principle be denied a visa or banned from entry into the EU, while the latter Regulation aims to ensure that vehicles stolen from one Member State are not registered in another one. The UK participates in the latter Regulation, but not the former, since it could only have access to Schengen immigration alerts if it fully participated in the Schengen rules on the abolition of internal border controls. On current plans, this will happen when hell freezes over.

The SIS II Decision provides for sharing ‘alerts’ on five main categories of persons or things: persons wanted for arrest for surrender or extradition purposes (mainly linked to the European Arrest Warrant); missing persons; persons sought to assist with a judicial procedure; persons and objects who should be subject to discreet checks or specific checks (ie police surveillance); and objects for seizure or use as evidence in criminal proceedings. There are also rules on the exchange of supplementary information between law enforcement authorities after a ‘hit’. For instance, if the UK authorities find that a European Arrest Warrant has been issued for a specific person, they could ask for further details from the authority which issued it.

On the other hand, the SIS does not, as is sometimes thought, provide for a basis for sharing criminal records or various other categories of criminal law data, although the EU has set up some other databases or information exchange systems dealing with such other types of data. (On criminal records in particular, see my earlier blog post here). The main point of setting up the second-generation system was to extend the SIS to new Member States (although in the end a new system wasn’t actually necessary for that purpose), and to provide for new functionalities such as storing fingerprints, which will likely be put into effect in the near future.

In practice, the UK’s participation in SIS II is likely to result in the Crown Prosecution Service receiving more European Arrest Warrants (EAWs) to process, and in more efficient processing of EAWs which the UK has issued to other Member States. It will also be easier, for instance, to check on whether a car or passport stolen in the UK has ended up on the continent, or vice versa.

Broader context

As noted already, while the UK is only now joining the SIS, the System has been around for many years, and has proved to be the precursor of many EU measures in this field. Indeed, as EU surveillance measures go, the SIS turned out to be a ‘gateway drug’: the friendly puff that led inexorably to the crack den of the data retention Directive.

Of course, interferences with the right to privacy can be justified on the basis of the public interest in enforcement of criminal law and ensuring public safety – if the interference is proportionate and in accordance with the law. Compared to (for instance) the data retention Directive and the planned passenger name records system, the SIS is highly targeted, focussing only on those individuals involved in the criminal law process, or police surveillance, or banned from entry from the EU’s territory. The legitimacy of the system therefore depends upon the accuracy and legality of the personal data placed in to it, and the connected data protection rules. On this point, the EU and national data protection supervisors have reported that many data subjects do not even know about the data held on them in SIS II, and they have produced a guide to help them with accessing their data in the system.

There’s an inevitable tension between the EU’s goal to set the world’s highest data protection standards, on the one hand, while also developing multiple huge databases, information exchange systems and surveillance laws, on the other.  It’s as if the brains of the utilitarian Jeremy Bentham and the libertarian John Stuart Mill were both battling for control of the same body – forcing it to draw up plans for the Panopticon at the same time as it was storming the Bastille. If this tension manifested itself in fiction, it would probably take the form of a comedy about a vegetarian butcher, or a virgin porn star. But the need to ensure that measures to protect our security do not remove all our liberty is not a laughing matter.

 

*This blog post is linked to ongoing research on the upcoming 4^th edition of EU Justice and Home Affairs Law (forthcoming, OUP).

 

Image credit: nytimes.com

Barnard & Peers: chapter 25

Read More

Childhood’s End: EU criminal law in 2014

 

Steve Peers

With the elections to the European Parliament, the installation of a new European Commission, and a number of important legislative and case-law developments, 2014 was an important year for the European Union. This is the first in a series of blog posts reviewing the year in selected fields of EU law.  

The most significant change to EU criminal law came on December 1^, when the five-year transitional period relating to EU criminal law measures adopted before the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty (‘pre-Lisbon EU criminal law measures’, also known in practice as the ‘third pillar’) came to an end. From this date on, pre-Lisbon EU criminal law measures are subject to the normal rules of EU law (except that they maintain their previous limited legal effect, in particular the lack of direct effect). More specifically, this change (discussed generally here) has three main impacts.

Firstly, the UK was entitled to opt out of all pre-Lisbon EU criminal law measures, and then apply to opt back in to some of them again. The UK indeed exercised these possibilities, opting back in to 35 such measures as of 1 December 2014 (see discussion of the details here), following an unnecessarily convoluted process in the House of Commons (discussed here). In a nutshell, since the UK has opted back into a large majority of the pre-Lisbon measures which have any significant importance, the whole process has had barely reduced the UK’s actual degree of participation in EU criminal law.

Secondly, the end of the transitional period means that the EU Commission can now bring infringement actions against Member States that failed to correctly implement pre-Lisbon EU criminal law measures - or that failed to implement such measures at all. The relevance of this is obvious in light of the Commission reports issued this year, regarding: legislation on the transfer of prisoners, probation and parole and supervision orders (discussed here); hate crime and Holocaust denial (discussed here); and conflicts of jurisdiction and the recognition of prior convictions (discussed here).  

Thirdly, all courts in all Member States can now send references to the CJEU on the interpretation pre-Lisbon EU criminal law. For the EU as a whole, the impact of this change will probably be limited in practice, because (a) two-thirds of Member States allowed such references anyway, and (b) there were no such limits regarding EU criminal law adopted after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. On the former point, the CJEU decided two cases this spring on the EU’s double jeopardy rules (discussed here), in which it finally developed the relationship between those rules and the double jeopardy provisions of the ECHR and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. A final reference to the CJEU on the basis of the old rules, sent just a month before the end of the transitional period (Kossowski), now asks the Court to clarify whether Member States’ derogations from the Schengen rules violate the EU Charter.

On the second point, the first reference from national courts on post-Lisbon EU criminal law was referred this year: the Covacicase, on the Directive on interpretation and translation in criminal law proceedings and the Directive on the ‘letter of rights’. So far, there is no sign of the predicted avalanche of cases on EU suspects’ rights legislation (the deadline to apply the letter of rights Directive passed in June). Of course, there could still be an increase of such cases in future, perhaps after the 2016 deadline to apply the third suspects’ rights Directive (on access to a lawyer). And in the meantime, Member States must apply the victims’ rights Directivetowards the end of 2015. Hopefully the CJEU’s case law on that measure will be more convincing than its ruling earlier this year (criticised here) on the scope of the Directive on compensation for crime victims.

Another important CJEU judgment in the criminal law field this year (discussed here) ruled that policing information measure actually fell within the scope of EU transport law. The immediate impact of this judgment was a rush to adopt replacement legislation (the text of which is already agreed), which will apply to all Member States (the UK, Ireland and Denmark had opted out of the prior measure). More broadly, the judgment shows that the CJEU is not inclined to interpret the EU’s criminal law powers broadly – at least as compared to the EU’s other powers.

The end of the transitional period did not lead to a general review of pre-Lisbon EU criminal law measures, with the Commission proposing only a very limited repeal of some obsolete measures (I’ll blog on these proposals in the new year). In particular, the new Justice Commissioner appears to have no significant agenda to suggest criminal law proposals, whether to amend prior measures or to adopt new ones (for an argument as to what the Commission should do, see here).

However, some of the pre-Lisbon criminal law measures have been amended or replaced, or will be amended or replaced by proposed legislation now under discussion. In particular, during 2014, the EU adopted legislation concerning: the European Investigation Order (discussed here); the counterfeiting of the euro (discussed here); the confiscationof criminal assets; and the European Police College (moving its seat from the UK to Hungary). The EU also adopted legislation on criminal sanctions for market abuse (discussed here).

There are also proposals under discussion to replace pre-Lisbon EU criminal law measures concerning: fraud against the EU (see the state of play here); the police agency, Europol (see discussion of negotiations here); the prosecutors’ agency, Eurojust (there was a partial agreement on this proposal); and data protection in criminal law cases (see the state of play here). The latter issue is increasingly important, as indicated by the related CJEU judgment invalidating the data retention directive (discussed here), which gave rise to questions as to whether Member States could adopt or retain their own data retention laws (on this point, see generally here, and here as regards the UK in particular).

In fact, the CJEU will soon be ruling on data protection and criminal law issues as such, since the European Parliament has asked it to rule on the validity of the EU/Canada draft treaty on passenger name records (see discussion here). The pending Europe v Facebook case (discussed here) raises questions about the impact of the Snowden revelations upon the EU and US arrangements on data protection. In the meantime, the proposed Directiveon passenger name records still remains on ice (having been put there by the European Parliament), with EU leaders’ attempt to set a deadline to adopt this proposal by the end of 2014 proving futile.

 

Other proposals are also under discussion: a more general overhaul of the European Police College; the creation of a European Public Prosecutors’ Office (see the state of play here); and the adoption of three more suspects’ rights measures, concerning child suspects (agreed by the Council), presumption of innocence (also agreedby the Council) and legal aid (see the state of play here). However, the Commission’s proposal for new rules relating to the EU’s anti-fraud body, OLAF, soon melted in the heat of Council opposition. 

 

Conclusion

Taken as a whole, the year 2014 showed how the European Parliament, the CJEU and the Commission are already playing a significant role in the development of EU criminal law. Following the final demise of the third pillar, the year 2015 is likely to see further important developments in this area, which will make the pre-Lisbon measures even less important: the adoption of new legislation on Europol, the European Police College and possibly Eurojust, as well as revised legislation on fraud against the EU budget. There will likely be two or three further Directives on suspects’ rights and the victims’ rights Directive will begin to apply. The rules on the new European Public Prosecutors’ Office might also be agreed, and there could be significant developments in the area of data protection. Overall, the longer-term trends toward greater parliamentary and judicial control and greater focus on individual rights in this area accelerated significantly in 2014 and could well do so again next year.

 

Barnard & Peers: chapter 25

Read More

The UK opts back in to the European Arrest Warrant - and other EU criminal law

 

Steve Peers

After much controversy, the UK today completed the process of opting out of EU criminal law measures adopted before the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, and opting back in to some of them. This blog post looks as the legal framework for this process and the consequences of opting back in. It’s an updated version of a previous Statewatch analysis written this summer.

The Legal Framework

 

Before the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, the UK was a full participant in almost all EU policing and criminal law measures. The exception was a small part of those measures ‘building on the Schengen acquis’, ie measures set out in, or amending, implementing or closely related to the Schengen Convention on the abolition of border controls. Most of those Schengen-related criminal law and policing measures applied to the UK from the start of 2005, except for the rules on cross-border hot pursuit by police officers (which the UK did not opt into) and the rules on the Schengen Information System (SIS) database (because the UK wanted to wait until a second-generation SIS was operational first, and this didn’t happen until 2013).

The Treaty of Lisbon changed the legal framework for the adoption of EU policing and criminal law, applying to this field the normal jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and, for the most part, the ordinary legislative procedure of the EU, which entails joint powers for the European Parliament and no vetoes for Member States in the Council.

The UK would only agree to these major changes in return for two forms of opt-out. The first opt-out relates to policing and criminal law measures adopted after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. This opt-out allows the UK to decide on a case-by-case basis, after each proposal is made, whether it seeks to opt in or out. If the UK initially decides to opt-out, it can always seek to opt in again (needing the Commission’s approval) at any time after the measure is adopted.

 

The second form of opt-out takes the form of a ‘block’ opt-out for those measures adopted before the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. This was intrinsically linked to a five-year transition period concerning those measures, which is applicable to all Member States. That transitional period finally expired today.

 

This second opt-out is set out in Article 10 of Protocol 36 to the Treaties, which is set out in full in the Annex. The Article states first of all that the normal powers of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and the Commission did not apply for five years after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, to pre-Lisbon third pillar measures. This meant that the Commission did not have power to bring infringement procedures against Member States to the CJEU regarding these laws until today.

Nor did the CJEU have jurisdiction over questions from national courts concerning EU law in this area, except where Member States had chosen to opt in to this jurisdiction (18 Member States opted in, and the Court delivered a number of judgments in this field). Also, the transitional rules cease to apply to an act which is amended after the Treaty of Lisbon comes into force, and a number of such acts were indeed amended.

Secondly, Article 10 of Protocol 36 set out a potential opt-out for the UK (but not for any other Member States) at the end of this five-year period. If the UK notified the Council by 1 June 2014, all the pre-Lisbon third pillar acts ceased to apply to it as of 1 December 2014, unless those acts have been amended and the UK has opted in to those amended measures. In this event, the Council could decide the ‘necessary consequential and transitional arrangements’, and could also decide that the UK has to ‘bear the direct financial consequences, if any, necessarily and unavoidably incurred’ as a result. In both cases, the Council acts by a qualified majority vote on a proposal from the Commission. The UK does not participate in the first of these measures (consequential arrangements), but would participate in the second (financial consequences).

Thirdly, the UK can seek to opt back into to some of the measures it has opted out of ‘at any time afterwards’. If it does so, then the rules for opting into Justice and Home Affairs measures in either the Protocol on the Schengen acquis or the Protocol on Title V (JHA measures) apply. In practice, that means that the Council, acting unanimously, decides on re-admission of the UK to measures building on the Schengen acquis (ie measures set out in, or amending, implementing or closely related to the Schengen Convention on the abolition of border controls), while the Commission (with no role for the Council, unless the Commission refuses the UK’s request) decides on readmission of the UK to pre-Lisbon third pillar measures which do not build on the Schengen acquis. The Protocol concludes by stating that in such a case, the EU institutions and the UK ‘shall seek to re-establish the widest possible measure of participating of the [UK] in the acquis of the Union in the area of freedom, security and justice, without seriously affecting the practical operability of the various parts thereof, while respecting their coherence’.

 

The block opt-out in practice

 

The UK government indicated in 2012 that it was inclined to invoke the block opt-out, and then seek to opt in to a number of measures. In 2013, it officially invokedthe block opt-out (well before the deadline of 1 June 2014), and indicated the 35 measures which it wished to opt back into. Informal negotiations then took place between the UK, the Council and the Commission, in particular during the Greek Council Presidency in the first half of 2014. The discussions were complicated somewhat by the UK’s request to begin participation in the second-generation SIS (known as SIS II) shortly before 1 December 2014, along with its request to amend the rules relating to SIS II alerts on the European Arrest Warrants in accordance with new EU legislation. Ultimately, the UK’s attempts to start applying the SIS this autumn were rejected, and it remains to be seen when it will begin to apply the system.

These negotiations were ultimately successful, and the Council Decision and Commission decision on the UK’s opt back in were adopted and published today.  The Council Decision amends the original Council Decision admitting the UK to participate in parts of the Schengen acquis, as well as the later Council Decision putting part of the Schengen acquis into force in the UK. The Council has published a codified textof the amended Decisions.

The crucial substantive point here is that the UK will continue to be committed to participating in the Schengen Information System, which provides for exchange of information on European Arrest Warrants, wanted persons and missing objects. It will also continue to be bound by the main criminal law and police cooperation provisions of the Schengen acquis.

As for the other measures, the Commission Decision approves the UK’s opt back in to almost all of the EU measures on mutual recognition in criminal matters (most notably the European Arrest Warrant), the creation of EU agencies (Europol, Eurojust) and exchange of information or databases, with a few exceptions: the Framework Decisions on mutual recognition of probation and parole decisions and the so-called ‘Prum’ Decisions on cross-border exchange of information on DNA, licence plate information and fingerprints.

On the latter issues, the transitional Decision(adopted last week) requires the UK to consider opting back in to the Prum Decisions by the end of 2015. If it does not do so, the financial consequences Decision(also adopted last week) requires the UK to pay back the money it received from the EU budget to prepare for putting the Prum rules into force. The UK agreed informally to consider opt back in to the Framework Decision on mutual recognition of probation and parole measures later. It will fall to the next UK government to decide on these issues (the next general election will be in May 2015), and it will always be open to the UK government to opt back in to more measures if it wishes.

There was some negotiation on the lists of measures which the UK sought to opt out of. As regards the Council Decision, one measure on the operational functioning of the SIS was added to the list. The Commission’s Decision included a decision to opt in to three measures implementing the Europol Decision, as well as the Decision establishing the European Judicial Network. These additional measures which the UK agreed to opt in to are essentially technical, except for the European Judicial Network, which the UK government believes is essentially a useless talking shop.

Also, it should be noted that some pre-Lisbon measures were amended while discussions were going on, in particular the EU’s Convention on mutual assistance in criminal matters and its amending Protocol. The UK did not want to opt back in to these measures, but this objection is now moot, since the UK participates in the EU Directive on the European Investigation Order (discussed here), which has replaced some of the corresponding provisions of those measures. So this means that it continues to participate in the Convention and Protocol, without having to opt back in.

However, the UK government withdrew its request to participate in two measures (a Decision on a hate-crime network, and a Decision on special police intervention units) during the discussions. This decision may well have been taken so that the government can still claim that it is only opting back in to a total of 35 measures.

It should also be noted that the UK’s opt back in to some of the pre-Lisbon measures concerned could be very short-lived, since there are proposals to replace these measures which the UK has opted out of, but which have not yet been agreed. This is the case particularly with Europol and Eurojust. Negotiations are further advanced on the Europol proposal (see discussion here), where it looks as if the UK’s concerns may have been addressed, with the consequence that the UK would opt in to the future Europol Regulation after its adoption. However, it is too early to say if the UK might eventually opt in to the future Eurojust Regulation.

Other transitional issues

Finally, the EU institutions have tried to clarify the new legal position which applies from today. They have published in the EU Official Journal a list of ‘Lisbonised’ measures, ie pre-Lisbon third pillar acts which have been amended since the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force. There is also a list of acts which have just ceased to apply to the UK.

Following an analysis of which pre-Lisbon measures could now be considered obsolete, and which therefore could be repealed. just last week the Commission made three proposals to repeal 24 pre-Lisbon acts. I’ll come back to these proposals in the near future – but suffice it to say that they don’t go nearly far enough to simplify the very complex legal framework that applies in this area.

Further on the issue of transparency, it would be useful to have a list of post-Lisbon measures which apply to the UK. It would not unduly task the Council and/or Commission to make the effort to publish online a constantly updated list of the measures which do or not apply to the UK (as well as Ireland and Denmark, which also have opt-outs), so that the public and practitioners in the UK and elsewhere can easily discover which EU laws in this field apply to the UK, and which do not.

 
 Annex

Protocol 36, Article 10

1. As a transitional measure, and with respect to acts of the Union in the field of police cooperation and judicial cooperation in criminal matters which have been adopted before the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, the powers of the institutions shall be the following at the date of entry into force of that Treaty: the powers of the Commission under Article 258 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union shall not be applicable and the powers of the Court of Justice of the European Union under Title VI of the Treaty on European Union, in the version in force before the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, shall remain the same, including where they have been accepted under Article 35(2) of the said Treaty on European Union.

 

2. The amendment of an act referred to in paragraph 1 shall entail the applicability of the powers of the institutions referred to in that paragraph as set out in the Treaties with respect to the amended act for those Member States to which that amended act shall apply.

3. In any case, the transitional measure mentioned in paragraph 1 shall cease to have effect five years after the date of entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon.

4. At the latest six months before the expiry of the transitional period referred to in paragraph 3, the United Kingdom may notify to the Council that it does not accept, with respect to the acts referred to in paragraph 1, the powers of the institutions referred to in paragraph 1 as set out in the Treaties. In case the United Kingdom has made that notification, all acts referred to in paragraph 1 shall cease to apply to it as from the date of expiry of the transitional period referred to in paragraph 3. This subparagraph shall not apply with respect to the amended acts which are applicable to the United Kingdom as referred to in paragraph 2.

5. The Council, acting by a qualified majority on a proposal from the Commission, shall determine the necessary consequential and transitional arrangements. The United Kingdom shall not participate in the adoption of this decision. A qualified majority of the Council shall be defined in accordance with Article 238(3)(a) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.

The Council, acting by a qualified majority on a proposal from the Commission, may also adopt a decision determining that the United Kingdom shall bear the direct financial consequences, if any, necessarily and unavoidably incurred as a result of the cessation of its participation in those acts.

6. The United Kingdom may, at any time afterwards, notify the Council of its wish to participate in acts which have ceased to apply to it pursuant to paragraph 4, first subparagraph. In that case, the relevant provisions of the Protocol on the Schengen acquis integrated into the framework of the European Union or of the Protocol on the position of the United Kingdom and Ireland in respect of the area of freedom, security and justice, as the case may be, shall apply. The powers of the institutions with regard to those acts shall be those set out in the Treaties. When acting under the relevant Protocols, the Union institutions and the United Kingdom shall seek to re­establish the widest possible measure of participation of the United Kingdom in the acquis of the Union in the area of freedom, security and justice without seriously affecting the practical operability of the various parts thereof, while respecting their coherence.

 

 

Barnard & Peers: chapter 25

Read More

Benefit Tourism by EU citizens: the CJEU just says No

 

 

Steve Peers

 

The CJEU has today delivered a pivotal judgment in the case of Dano, concerning access to social welfare benefits by EU citizens who move to another Member State. The Court's approach to the issues in this case (and other judgments on EU citizens with criminal convictions, decided earlier this year) is stricter than usual, so we can deduce from this that it is taking account of the broader political debate on the free movement of EU citizens. However, some aspects of the issues remain to be clarified in later case law.

 

The judgment

 

Mrs. Dano is a Romanian citizen who applied for job seekers benefits in Germany. She has not worked in Germany, and is not looking for work either.

 

The type of benefit she was applying for is a 'special non - contributory benefit' under the EU regulation on social security regulation. Also, the EU citizens' Directive provides that EU citizens are entitled to equal treatment regarding benefits on the territory of another Member State, except during their first three months of entry, if they are job-seekers or if they are seeking student grants before five years residence.

 

The CJEU said that these exceptions to the equal treatment rule did not apply to Mrs. Dano. However, the Court then ruled that she could nevertheless not invoke the equal treatment rule, since she did not qualify to be covered by the citizens Directive in the first place.

 

The directive applies to workers, self employed persons, students and others who have sufficient resources. While Article 8(4) of the Directive seems to provide for some flexibility as regards what might be considered as sufficient resources, the Court definitively rules that Mrs Dano doesn't have them. Indeed, the Court ruled firmly that the requirement in question 'seeks to prevent economically inactive Union citizens from using the host Member State's welfare system to fund their means of subsistence'.

 

While previous judgments had relied upon the equal treatment rules in the Treaties to suggest that impecunious EU citizens might still be entitled to benefits, today the Court ruled that unequal treatment was an 'inevitable consequence' of the EU rules.

 

Finally, the Court ruled that the EU's Charter of Fundamental Rights was not applicable, since the rules on access to special social security benefits fall outside the scope of the relevant regulation.

 

Comments

 

Earlier this year, the CJEU rule in the cases of G and Onuekwere that EU citizens who were sentenced to prison in a host Member State could not count the period of imprisonment either towards the five-year period needed to qualify for permanent residence in the host Member State or the ten year period needed to qualify for further enhanced protection against expulsion. The judgments were delivered shortly after the transition period on the free movement of Romanians and Bulgarians ended, at a time of great public debate about the free movement of EU citizens in the UK.

 

That debate has increased further since. The Court judgment in Dano provides a clear rejection, as compared to the prior case-law, of access to benefits by those who have never worked and who are not looking for work. In particular, in this judgment the Court now defers to the EU legislature and accepts the limits on access to benefits set out in the EU Directive, rather than insist (as it did before) that any legally resident EU citizen can in principle claim equal treatment as regards access to benefits based on the Treaties (On this point, see further the separate blog post on the historical context of the judgment).

Since the EU legislature is now in charge of access to benefits by EU citizens, it is more easy to amend the relevant rules to tighten them up, since amending the citizens' Directive would only need a Commission proposal and a qualified majority vote in the Council and agreement of the European Parliament. If access to benefits were still defined by the Treaties, then only a Treaty amendment could change the relevant rules, requiring agreement of all Member States and ratification by national parliaments. The judgment has therefore facilitated a possible renegotiation of the EU free movement rules on this issue, and more broadly a renegotiation of the UK's membership of the EU.

 

However, it leaves open the question of what restrictions might be placed on job-seekers or former workers' access to benefits or students' access to grants. Nor does it impact upon the strong obligation to give equal treatment to those who are working. As recently as June, the CJEU insisted in the Saint-Prix case (see discussion here) that it (and not the EU legislature) would still determine the meaning of 'worker', including former workers (as well as job-seekers, according to previous case law).

 

Furthermore, the judgment doesn't as such address the possible expulsion of persons in Mrs Dano's situation, still less the prospect of denying her re-entry. As I have pointed out before, the citizens Directive places considerable constraints on the former, and does not permit the latter. (See now also my separate blog post on the question of whether this judgment affects expulsion of unemployed EU citizens).

 

So it doesn't address some of the key issues in the debate. Nor could it address the question of whether a Member State could introduce quotas for workers coming from other Member States. That is clearly illegal under EU law as it now stands.

 

Having said that, the Court judgment sends a clear message that Member States can act against at least the most blatant types of benefit tourism. The tone of the judgment suggests that the CJEU's judges, as Americans say, read the morning papers.

 

 

Barnard and Peers: chapter 13, chapter 16

Read More

Denmark and EU Justice and Home Affairs Law: Really Opting Back In?

Steve Peers

Yesterday, the Danish Prime Minister made an announcement that Denmark would hold another referendum on EU matters in 2015. This was widely reported as a vote on whether Denmark would opt back in to EU Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) law. In fact, the government’s intention is to hold a vote on whether to replace a complete opt out with a selective opt-out. This blog post explains the detail of the issue, including a complete list of the measures which Denmark might opt back into if the Danish public approves the referendum proposal.

The Danish opt-out effectively dates back to the Danish referendum on the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. Following the initial Danish ‘no’ vote to that treaty, the EU’s Heads of State of Government adopted a Decision, which states that Denmark fully participates in EU JHA law. This was accompanied by a declaration stating that any transfer of powers to the European Community (as it then was) would be subject to a referendum in Denmark. This is generally regarded as the basis for Denmark’s opt-out on JHA matters.

This Decision is also often described as an opt-out on EU citizenship, although it is no such thing: it simply clarifies the relationship between Danish and EU citizenship. In fact, despite a widespread belief to the contrary, Denmark has no opt-out on EU citizenship at all.

The JHA opt-out was formalised as a Protocol to the Treaties at the time of the Treaty of Amsterdam (in force 1999), and was then revised at the time of the Treaty of Lisbon (in force 2009). It currently appears as Protocol 22 to the Treaties.

In a nutshell, the legal position is as follows.

First of all, Denmark is bound by the ‘Schengen’ rules abolishing border controls between most Member States, and measures building upon them, such as the Schengen Borders Code, the EU’s visa code, the Schengen Information System and the EU’s border control agency, Frontex. However, it is bound by these measures only as a matter of international law, not EU law. It could choose to opt out of new measures in this area, but there would be some unspecified retaliation if it did. It hasn’t done so in practice.

Secondly, Denmark is not bound by any other EU measures on immigration and asylum law, or civil cooperation, except for the measures on a standardised list of countries whose nationals do and don’t need visas to enter the EU. However,  for a few of these measures,  Denmark is bound instead by means of a treaty with the EU: the Dublin rules on asylum applications; the Brussels Regulation on civil and commercial jurisdiction; and the Regulation on service of documents. It’s also bound by the initial Rome Convention on conflicts of law in contract, but not by the Regulation replacing it.

Thirdly, Denmark is bound by EU measures on policing and criminal law adopted before the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. This includes (as matters stand) the EU measures establishing Europol (the EU police agency), Eurojust (the EU prosecutors’ agency) and the European Arrest Warrant.

Fourthly, Denmark is conversely not bound by EU measures on policing and criminal law adopted after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. This includes particularly EU legislation on suspects’ rights, victims’ rights, and the European Investigation Order. In the near future, it will also not be bound by legislation re-establishing Europol, which will soon be the subject of final negotiations between the European Parliament and the Council (on the details of that negotiation, see the previous blog post). According to the Prime Minister, this is a particular reason for considering whether to exercise the opt-out.

The assumption behind her argument is that the pre-Lisbon measure establishing Europol will not be applicable to Denmark any longer once a new measure is adopted. In fact, Article 2 of Protocol 22 says as follows:

…acts of the Union in the field of police cooperation and judicial cooperation in criminal matters adopted before the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon which are amended shall continue to be binding upon and applicable to Denmark unchanged.

However, in the specific case of EU agencies, it is hard to see in practice how Denmark could continue to be part of Europol as it was set up subject to a pre-Lisbon measure, while all of the other Member States (presuming that the UK and Ireland opt-in) are part of Europol as it was set up afresh by a post-Lisbon Regulation.

In fact, the same issue is likely to arise as regards Eurojust (the EU prosecutors’ agency) in the next year or so, since there is also a proposal to replace the pre-Lisbon Decision setting up that body with a post-Lisbon Regulation.

What are the consequences of the opt-in? Denmark has the power to denounce ‘all or part’ of the Protocol, which also includes an opt-out relating to EU defence policy, without a need for a Treaty amendment. (Note that Denmark’s opt-out from the obligation to adopt the EU’s single currency is set out in a separate Protocol).

However, Denmark also has another option available to it: to replace the current complete opt-out for post-Lisbon JHA measures not linked to the Schengen acquis with a selective opt-out, ie the power to opt in to JHA measures on a case-by-case basis. According to press reports, this is what the Prime Minister proposes. In light of this, it simply isn’t accurate to say that Denmark would be voting to ‘give up its JHA opt-out’.

If the public vote in favour, Denmark would have the same power that the UK and Ireland have to opt in to JHA measures on a case-by-case basis, either within three months after those measures are proposed or at any time after they are finally adopted. However, unlike the UK and Ireland, Denmark will continue to be fully bound by EU measures on visa lists (ie with no-opt-out possibility), and will also continue to participate in the Schengen rules (although those rules would then have the force of EU law, not international law, in Denmark).

It would be up to the Danish government and parliament to determine what arrangements apply to opting in, as a matter of national law. If national law permits, it is open to Denmark to provide, if it wishes, that its national parliament must approve every opt-in decision, possibly by a higher majority in some or all cases. The Danish government could also announce in advance which measures it would (and would not) seek to opt in to.

To clarify the potential impact of the decision, the Annex to this post contains a complete list of all current measures or proposals which Denmark could opt to participate in if the public chose to vote for a selective JHA opt-out in place of the current complete opt-out. Again, though, Denmark could choose to participate in only a small number of these measures if it wished.

While it is sometimes claimed that EU opt-outs are not really genuine, because Member States will face undue pressure to opt-in to EU measures regardless, the evidence of the last 15 years clearly refutes this assertion. In practice, Denmark and the UK have not been forced to adopt the single currency, and the UK and Ireland have opted out of a growing number of JHA measures.

Barnard & Peers: chapter 2, chapter 25, chapter 26

Annex

JHA measures which Denmark couldopt in to after adopting a selective opt-out

1) Adopted measures

Asylum

1. Directive 2001/55 on temporary protection (OJ 2001 L 212/12)

2. Regulation 439/2010 establishing a European Asylum Support Office (OJ 2010 L 132/11)

3. Recast Directive 2011/95 on qualification and content of international protection (OJ 2011 L 337/9)

4. Directive 2013/33 on reception conditions for asylum-seekers (OJ 2013 L 180/96)

5. Regulation 604/2013 on responsibility for asylum applications (OJ 2013 L 180/31) – nb applies to Denmark by means of treaty already

6. Directive 2013/32 on international protection procedures (OJ 2013 L 180/60)

7. Regulation 603/2013 on Eurodac (OJ 2013 L 180/1) – nb applies to Denmark by means of treaty already

8. Regulation establishing the asylum and migration Fund (OJ 2014 L 150/168)

9. Regulation laying down general provisions on the Asylum and Migration Fund and on the instrument for financial support for police cooperation, preventing and combating crime, and crisis management ((OJ 2014 L 150/112)

Irregular migration

1.Directive 2004/82 on transmitting passenger information by carriers (OJ 2004 L 261/24)

2.Decision on joint expulsion flights (OJ 2004 L 261/28)

3. Directive 2004/81 on residence permits for victims of trafficking or facilitation of irregular migration (OJ 2004 L 261/19)

4.Decision on an information and coordination network for Member States’ migration management services (OJ 2005 L 83/48)

5. Directive 2008/115 on common rules for expulsion – Returns Directive (OJ 2008 L 348/98) – nb applies to Denmark in part already

6. Directive 2009/52 on sanctions for employers of irregular migrants (OJ 2009 L 168/24)

Legal Migration

1. Directive 2003/86 on family reunion (OJ 2003 L 251/12)

2. Directive 2003/109 on the status of long-term resident third-country nationals (OJ 2004 L 16/44)

3. Directive 2004/114 on entry and residence of students, volunteers and others (OJ 2004 L 375/12)

4. Directive 2005/71 on admission of researchers (OJ 2005 L 289/15)

5. Decision on exchange of asylum and immigration information (OJ 2006 L 283/40)

6. Decision establishing Migration Network (OJ 2008 L 131/7)

7. Directive 2009/50 on the conditions of entry and residence of third-country nationals for the purposes of highly qualified employment (‘Blue Card Directive’) (OJ 2009 L 155/17)

8. Regulation 1231/2010 extending Regulation 883/2004 on social security for EU citizens to third-country nationals who move within the EU (OJ 2010 L 344/1)

9. Directive 2011/51 applying long-term residents’ Directive to refugees and beneficiaries of subsidiary protection (OJ 2011 L 132/1)

10. Directive 2011/98 (single permit Directive) (OJ 2011 L 343/1)

11. Directive 2014/36 on admission of seasonal workers (OJ 2014 L 94/375)

12. Directive 2014/66 on admission of intra-corporate transferees (OJ 2014 L 157/1)

Civil Cooperation

1. Regulation 1346/2000 on jurisdiction over and enforcement of insolvency proceedings (OJ 2000 L 160/1)

2. Regulation 1347/2000 on jurisdiction over and enforcement of matrimonial and custody judgments (OJ 2000 L 160/19)

3. Regulation 1206/2001 on cross-border taking of evidence in civil and commercial matters (OJ 2001 L 174/1)

4. Decision 2001/470 on European Judicial Network on civil and commercial matters (OJ 2001 L 174/25)

5.  Directive 2003/8 on legal aid (OJ 2003 L 26/41)

6. Regulation 2201/2003 on parental responsibility (OJ 2003 L 338/1)

7. Regulation 805/2004 on European enforcement order (OJ 2004 L 143/15)

8. Regulation 1896/2006 creating a European order for payment procedure (OJ 2006 L 399/1)

9. Regulation 861/2007 establishing a European small claims procedure (OJ 2007 L 199/1)

10. Regulation 864/2007 on the law applicable to non-contractual obligations ('Rome II') (OJ 2007 L 199/40)

11. Directive 2008/52 on mediation (OJ 2008 L 136/3)

12. Regulation 593/2008 on 'Rome I' (choice of law for contractual obligations) (OJ 2008 L 177/6)

13. Decision amending Decision on judicial network (OJ 2009 L 168/35)

14. Regulation 662/2009 on Member States’ negotiation and conclusion of external treaties relating to maintenance, divorce and parental responsibility (OJ 2009 L 200/25)

15. Regulation 664/2009 on Member States’ negotiation and conclusion of external treaties relating to conflict of laws as regards contractual and non-contractual obligations (OJ 2009 L 200/46)

16. ‘Rome III’ Regulation 1259/2010 on choice of law in divorce proceedings (OJ 2010 L 343/10)

17. Regulation 650/2012 on choice of law and jurisdiction in succession proceedings (OJ 2012 L 201/107)

18. Regulation 1215/2012 on civil and commercial jurisdiction (OJ 2012 L 351/1) - – nb applies to Denmark by means of treaty already

19. Regulation 606/2013 on civil law enforcement of protection orders (OJ 2013 L 181/4)

20. Regulation 542/1014 amending civil jurisdiction Regulation (OJ 2014 L 163/1) – nb applies to Denmark by means of treaty already

21. Regulation on European account preservation orders

Criminal law and policing

Directives

1. Directive 2010/64 on the right to interpretation and translation in the framework of criminal proceedings (OJ 2010 L 280/1)

2. Directive 2011/36 on trafficking in persons (OJ 2011 L 101/1)

3. Directive 2011/82 on exchange of information on traffic offences (OJ 2011 L 288/1)

4. Directive 2011/92 on sexual exploitation of children (OJ 2011 L 335/1)

5. Directive 2011/99 on European protection order (OJ 2011 L 338/2)

6. Directive 2012/13 on the right to information on criminal proceedings (OJ 2012 L 142/1)

7. Directive 2012/29 on crime victims’ rights (OJ 2012 L 315/57)

8. Directive 2013/40 on attacks on information systems (OJ 2013 L 218/8)

9. Directive 2013/48 on access to lawyer and communication rights (OJ 2013 L 294/1)

10. Directive 2014/41 on European investigation order (OJ 2014 L 130/1)

11. Directive 2014/42 on freezing and confiscation of criminal proceeds (OJ 2014 L 127/39)

12. Directive 2014/57 on criminal sanctions against market abuse

13. Directive 2014/62 on counterfeiting currency (OJ 2014 L 151/1)

Regulations

1. Regulation establishing a Justice Programme (OJ 2013 L 354/73)

2. Regulation on the instrument for financial support for police cooperation, preventing and combating crime, and crisis management (OJ 2014 L 150/93)

3. Regulation 543/2014 amending Decision on European Police College (OJ 2014 L 163/5)

2) Proposals

Immigration and asylum

1. Directive on admission of students, researchers and others (COM (2013) 151, 25 March 2013)

2. Regulation amending the Dublin III Regulation regarding unaccompanied minors (COM (2014) 382, 26 June 2014)

Civil cooperation

1. Commission invitation to Council to apply ‘co-decision’ procedure to the issue of maintenance obligations (COM (2005) 648, 15 Dec. 2005)

2. Commission proposal for Regulation on choice of law and jurisdiction on matrimonial property (COM (2011) 126, 16 Mar. 2011)

3. Commission proposal for Regulation on choice of law and jurisdiction on registered partnerships (COM (2011) 127, 16 Mar. 2011)

4. Commission proposal for Regulation amending insolvency Regulation (COM (2012) 744, 12 Dec. 2012)

5. Proposal for Regulation amending prior legislation regarding implementing measures (COM (2013) 452, 27 June 2013)

6. Proposal for Regulation amending small claims and order for payment Regulations (COM (2013) 794, 19 Nov. 2013)

Criminal law

1. Proposal for Directive on the right to interpretation and translation in the framework of criminal proceedings (COM (2010) 82, 9 March 2010)

2. Proposal for Directive on passenger name records (COM (2011) 32, 2 Feb. 2011)

3. Proposal for Directive on protection of EU financial interests (COM (2012) 363, 11 July 2012)

4. Proposal to amend Framework Decision on drug trafficking (COM (2013) 618, 17 Sep. 2013)

5. Proposal on presumption of innocence (COM (2013) 821, 27 Nov. 2013)

6. Proposal on childrens’ rights as suspects (COM (2013) 822, 27 Nov. 2013)

7. Proposal on provisional legal aid (COM (2013) 824, 27 Nov. 2013)

8. Regulation on Europol (COM (2013) 173, 27 March 2013)

9. Regulation on European Public Prosecutor’s Office (COM (2013) 534, 17 July 2013)

10. Regulation on Eurojust (COM (2013) 535, 17 July 2013)

Note: this list does not include measures which have expired or been replaced (or which will be replaced as of July 2015). It also does not include international treaties with third States, since at least in some cases, Denmark has parallel arrangements in place with the countries concerned. The most important treaties in question concern readmission, visa facilitation, the Hague Convention on maintenance and treaties on mutual assistance, extradition and exchange of police information.

Read More